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Specifications

• Fork Bontrager Satellite Plus
• Hubs Aluminum, Q/R
• Chain 1/2 x 3/32inch
• Crank Bontrager Sport, 30/42/52 teeth
• Handlebar Bontrager Flat-Top
• Saddle Bontrager CRZ+

Q: How much is a 2005 Trek 1000?

A 2005 Trek 1000 is typically priced around $630 USD when new. Be sure to shop around for the best price, and also look to the used market for a great deal.

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Anyone help me identify the year of this Trek 1000?

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this looks like it would be around a 2007 or 2008 model or thereabouts. Trek did not go to the sloping top tube until 2008 (at least in the US and Canada) I would guess that 120 pounds would be a fair price for that bike if it is good shape. Cheers, Brian  

Looks like a 2004. http://www.trekbikes.com/us/en/bikes/2004/archive/  

8toes said: this looks like it would be around a 2007 or 2008 model or thereabouts. Trek did not go to the sloping top tube until 2008 (at least in the US and Canada) I would guess that 120 pounds would be a fair price for that bike if it is good shape. Cheers, Brian Click to expand...

Thanks Brian, I'm new to all this - could you explain what a sloping top tube is? Is there anything I should be looking for when I view it? I've been hunting and I just found this http://www.bikepedia.com/quickbike/BikeSpecs.aspx?Year=2004&Brand=Trek&Model=1000&Type=bike The design is exactly the same as mine just different colours... Made me wonder if it's a 2004. I'll have a look for some 2008 ones.. Thanks for the quick response!  

Actually, 8toes, 2007 was the last year that Trek put their 1000 label on what became the 1.* bikes. I only know that because I have an 07 Trek 1000. It looks like the 1000c model did have a sloping top tube... but I don't see a "c" denotation on this bike.  

kingflupps said: Thanks Brian, I'm new to all this - could you explain what a sloping top tube is? Is there anything I should be looking for when I view it? I've been hunting and I just found this http://www.bikepedia.com/quickbike/BikeSpecs.aspx?Year=2004&Brand=Trek&Model=1000&Type=bike The design is exactly the same as mine just different colours... Made me wonder if it's a 2004. I'll have a look for some 2008 ones.. Thanks for the quick response! Click to expand...

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2005 Trek 1000C

An aluminum frame general road bike with mid-range components and rim brakes. Compare the full range

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A bike with lower gearing will be easier to ride up steep hills, while a higher top end means it will pedal faster down hills.

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The Russian Civil War: Why The Bolsheviks Won

By justin arnold

Ma Student UNSW

The Russian Civil War of 1917 to 1921 was a war launched by the former officers of the Tsarist regime against the modernisation of Russia’s political economy by the Bolsheviks. The keys to the Red Army victory and White defeat in the Civil War were, • The leadership of Lenin of the Bolsheviks and the Bolsheviks of the working class with a unity of purpose and command. • The winning of support amongst the urban working class and peasantry of the population of Russia by the Bolsheviks, • The class based prejudice of the White Army who were disinterested in forming allegiances. • Disunity amongst the White Armies who fought for different reasons against as well as against one another. • Geographical reason with the Bolshevik’s holding the urbanised and industrial centres of Moscow and St Petersburg. • Foreign interventions on the side of the White Army which help win the support for the Bolsheviks and transformed the nature of the conflict. • The ability of The Bolsheviks to adapt to the changing circumstances of the Russian Civil War. The main difference between the Red and White armies in the Russian Civil War was the unity of purpose showed by the Bolshevik’s under Lenin’s leadership. This approach was contrasted by the loose collaboration of royalist officers, Cossacks, foreign agents and ethnic minorities that made up the White Army’s. The Bolsheviks provided to what the White Army couldn’t the ingredients for a government to govern, what Hugh White calls ‘prosperity, security and identity’.

R.B. Rose described the ‘brilliant political leadership’ of Lenin as being one of the decisive factors of The Russian Civil War. Lenin’s leadership of the Bolshevik Movement inspired the Red Army through, ‘rallying popular support’ through his speeches and by inspiring the Red Army fighters through promises of ‘a glowing future to emerge out of the violence and misery’ . Lenin by going this was able to raise an Army of over 5 million men, a strong and powerful fighting force that was led by professional and experience officer corp that produced overwhelming force against their opponents on the battlefield.

The major factor at play in the Bolshevik victory over their reactionary counterparts was the scientific organisational principle of democratic centralism for the Red Army. This principle not only gave the ordinary workers and peasants a say in the decisions making process but also ensured a unity of purpose and action after the outcome it. According to Mawdsley it was the Bolshevik leader Lenin who stated that it was the ‘centralism, discipline and unparalleled self-sacrifice’ of the Red Army helped them achieve victory in the Civil War .

The Red Army had started out as a small force of industrial workers in northern and central Russia but by the autumn of 1920 it had expanded to a conscript army of more than 5 million with 75 per cent of these coming from their peasant class . According to Figes the most important factor in the Red Army’s victory over its White Army counterparts was its ‘mobilising millions of peasants for military service’ .

The main failure by the forces of reaction occurred due to the speed and volume of which they attempted to conscript the peasantry into their ranks as well as the class bias of the former Tsarist officers . Just as Lenin had predicted the mass mobilisation of the peasants into the White ranks caused major disruption within the White Army with issues revolving around the mass desertion of peasants who wished to return home at the first available time.

An example of the problems faced by the White Army can be seen with the problems that plagued its southern forces. This army was made up of two main groups, the Cossacks and a group of former Tsarist Officers who led a volunteer army. These former officers were one of the most socially conservative groups in Russia and had a class based hatred for the Bolsheviks and all that they stood which alienated many potential supporters. The officers also wished to see the Tsarist regime returned and saw the struggle as a solely military affair and did not attempt to play a role in the winning of support of Russia’s lower classes or ethnic minorities.

The Cossacks however differed from their fellow White Amy counterparts by not wishing to see the return of the old regime. The Cossacks were fighting for more self-autonomy in any future federated Russia as well as fighting to help protect their own privileged status in South Russian Society from the Bolshevik’s were threatening to confiscate their land and hand it over to the local peasants. The privileged approach of the Cossacks led the peasantry of South Russia to support to the Bolshevik cause which promised them social mobility and joined the Red Army en masse to fight against the White Armies and the foreign supporters.

To add to these troubles the distrust that grew between the Cossacks and the former Tsarist Officers based upon their differing agendas grew to such an extent that it seemed like there would be an outbreak of civil war between them. According to Kerez, ‘Many of the Cossacks regarded the officers as unwelcome guest... the generals and colonels… thought of the Cossacks as little better than bandits, people who interpreted the concept of military booty far too broadly’ . These difficulties in the White camp aided the Bolshevik cause especially in the Northern Don areas which suffered several rebellions both from both its Cossacks and peasants which distracted the attention of the White Army away7 from the front line in the Civil War.

The difference in the White ranks was due to several reasons the politics of its personalities, some due to ethnic origins of the groups involved as was the case for the Cossacks and Ukrainians. Some was also due to the White Army having to reform itself and compromise its principles to fit in with the agenda of its foreign sponsors. The unity of Bolshevik’s constructed the petty rivalries that caused divisions in the White Army that divided the Tsarist Officers from their local hosts.

The scientific ideology of the Bolshevik’s, however was seen as a better social movement when compared the proto-fascist beliefs of the White’s by Russia’s lower classes that made up the major of her population. The scientific socialism of the Bolsheviks attracted the support of not only the working class, but also the intelligentsia and the peasants of the outlying regions as well as the ethnic minorities with whom the White Armies refused to work with.

According to Kerez the White’s made little effort to attempt to win over the owe classes due to their chauvinistic conservative and populist prejudices. As Kerez stated ‘their instinctive hostility toward the working class, coupled with their lack of political sophistication’ prevented them from forming alliances with other groups dissatisfied with the Bolshevik rule and which could have provided them with much needed allies .

The Bolsheviks throughout most of the Civil War controlled the central Russian territory which had Russians as its major nationality group. It was these parts of Greater Russia that contained the Russian industrial sector as well as the apparatus of the former Tsarist State including its Army. As well it was home to Russia to the largest cities Moscow and St Petersburg and the vast majority of Russia’s working classes. Mawdsley describes the holding of these areas of the Russian heartland as the Red Army as a ‘decisive achievement of the Civil War’. The holding of the Russian industrial heartland led to the Red Army to having numerical superiority on the battlefield as well as giving the Bolshevik’s a political economy to help fund the development of an army.

Another factor in contributing to the loss of the White Army in the Civil War was there acceptance of direct Foreign Imperial support so close after the tragedy of Russian human and territorial losses in WWI. Foreign support to the White Army was of such a haphazard manner that it actually had a negative impact upon the White Army’s war effort. This was exemplified by the British War Office not informing its own Foreign Office that it had sent two divisions into Russia without any consideration as to what role these soldiers should assume in the war.

The foreign imperial powers of Great Britain, France, Germany and the United States started their intervention in Russia without a declaration of war. The English and French landed at Archangel and Murmansk, the Japanese occupied Vladivostok, in the Northern Caucus region the British and French installed a government makeup of its own officers. In the Don region the Cossack were being supported by the Germans and in the middle Volga region the British and French were sponsoring the Czech legion. To add to this the Germans had taken part of the Ukraine’s and had invited the White Army’s to set up a base in the territory. The German and Turks had also sent in troops into the Caucus and sought to supply to the Southern White Army and the Cossacks of the Don with both arms and military support.

The greatest problem facing foreign forces in Russia however was the lack of intelligence coming from Bolshevik held areas due to there failure to establish embassies and other diplomatic posts after the end of WWI. The British also erred though it’s setting up of a government if the Caucus region made up solely of British officers which helped provide the Bolshevik government with a propaganda and recruitment tool for the building of the Red Army. As a result the foreign intervention Russian nationalists of all classes rushed to join into the ranks of the Red Army who saw foreign forces on Russia soil as a greater threat than the ideology of the Bolsheviks.

The intervention by foreign armies effectively isolated the Bolshevik held industrial areas from the agricultural regions. The occupation of Russian soil also brought the factories of Russia’s two major industrial cities St Petersburg and Moscow to a stand still. It caused a shortage of food for millions of Russians in the lower classes as well as causing the shutdown of Russia industrial sector with the associated lay off of the Russian working classes which resulted in very severe living circumstances for the Russian people. There resulted a desperate struggle for survival by Russia’s working class with the foreign invaders and the upper class collaborators being blamed. This led the conflict being transformed from a Civil War into a struggle for the survival of under the banner of War Communism.

To combat the threats to Russian Society the Bolshevik’s developed the principle of War Communism in which the government took absolute control of Russia’s political economy. These measures included the government controlling manufacturing and the output of agricultural production as well as fixing prices and banning private trading. It also included the government introducing universal labour controls including the distribution of labour and the introduction of conscription to the Red Army. In this way Lenin and the Bolsheviks prepared Russia and her people to fight a war against both the foreign imperial powers and the upper echelons of its own society. This approach to governance that still exists today despite the fall from power of the Communist Party in 1991.

The Bolshevik open approach to explaining objectives in fighting the Civil War was contrasted by the White Armies failed to declare what there objectives for fighting the war were and thus failed to build a repore with the Russian people. Hudson stated the main problem of the White Army was that ‘they had no agreed political programme to put to the people of Russia as a possible alternative to Bolshevism’ . As Hill stated ‘The fundamental cause of the Russian Revolution, then was the incompatibility of the tsarist state with the demands of modern civilisation’ and it was these failures by the White Army to adapt to the modernisation of Russian society that ultimately led to their defeat at the hands hands of Lenin and his Bolsheviks.

So therefore in conclusion there were several interconnected reasons for the Bolshevik victory and the White Army defeat in the Russian Civil War of 1918-1921. The first and most important reason was the leadership of the Bolshevik Party by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party as the Vanguard of the people whose government and modernise a Russian Society as well as providing social mobility for the Russian working and peasant classes. This led the Bolshevik’s to win the support of these classes who formed the backbone of the five million man strong Red Army. The White Army by contrast was disinterested in associating with these classes and their attempts to conscript Russian peasantry in their military ranks caused more problems than they solved for the White Army.

The Bolsheviks were also aided by the holding of the interior region which contained Russia’s two largest cities St Petersburg and Moscow and its industrial sector. It was also home to the former bases of the Tsarist Army which provided the Bolsheviks with armouries and access to a trained fighting force. The intervention of foreign imperialists on the Russia’s flanks transformed the Civil War in Russia into a war for National Liberation which helped the Bolsheviks win the support of Russian patriots and build up an army of more than 5 million. It was this sheer size of the Red Army that in the end provided the Red Army with the ability to overwhelm it opponents both domestic and foreign on the battlefield which through its size, dedication and the superiority of its vibrant and scientific ideology defeated not the foreign imperialist abut also the Russian class collaborators of the White Army.

Ukraine war latest: Putin bombs Zelenskyy's home town on day of mourning

A Russian missile has struck Volodymyr Zelenskyy's home town of Kryvyi Rih today as it was observing an official day of mourning for an attack that killed four people yesterday.

Wednesday 28 August 2024 13:10, UK

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• Russian missile hits Zelenskyy's home town during day of mourning
• Flights stopped at Russian airport for 'safety reasons'
• Ukraine 'trying to break into' new Russian region
• Russian nuclear reactor 'extremely exposed' under 'normal roof'
• Watch: Who are Ukraine's secret resistance?
• Your questions answered: Can Ukraine advance further inside Russia?
• Reporting by Mark Wyatt

Europe will face higher gas prices unless Ukraine agrees to extend a deal on Russian gas transit through the country, the Kremlin has said.

Ukraine has some of the largest gas transmission systems in the world but says it has no plans for a new transit deal with Moscow.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters that if a deal was not extended, Russia could find alternative routes, such as the planned Turkish gas hub.

"There are [other] routes, but, of course, such decisions by the Ukrainian side will cause serious damage to the interests of European consumers, those who still want to buy more guaranteed, more affordable... Russian gas," Mr Peskov told reporters.

The agreement runs out at the end of the year, with Volodymyr Zelenskyy reaffirming yesterday that he had no plans to extend the deal.

"No one will extend the agreement with Russia, this is a done deal," he said.

"As for the transit of gas from other companies, if the request of some of our European colleagues continues, we will consider their requests."

Sir Keir Starmer and Olaf Scholz have said the UK and Germany's support for Ukraine remains "unyielding".

Speaking at a joint news conference in Berlin, the prime minister said Ukraine was not just fighting to defend itself from Russian aggression but also "for all the people across Europe".

Mr Scholz, the German chancellor, said both countries would continue to lend "financial, economic, political and military support" for "as long as this is necessary".

Ukraine has been enjoying more success with its drone operations in Russia as it goes after Moscow's oil facilities, military analyst Sean Bell   says.

Speaking on Sky News, Mr Bell highlighted two separate Ukrainian drone strikes on oil refining and storage facilities in the Rostov region.

Russian Telegram channels reported that three oil tanks were on fire at a depot in the Kamensky district after two drones fell on the area overnight (see our 6.21 post).

Meanwhile, fires from Ukraine's previous strike on an oil depot on 18 August are still burning.

"Over the last few weeks we've been covering this, Ukraine's success with their drones seems to be increasing," Mr Bell says.

"President Zelenskyy has claimed that Ukraine has actually developed a new long-range drone. We don't know anything about it, but the results seem to be playing out on the battlefield."

He added: "They seem to be targeting a lot of Russian oil facilities, not just the refining facilities, but the storage facilities as well. 

"Why are they doing that? Because Russia generates huge revenues by exporting that oil. Therefore, by damaging the facilities, you reduce the revenues, which reduces Russia's ability to fund the war."

Five people were wounded in addition to those that died as a Russian missile struck a hotel. It was part of two days of heavy bombardment from Moscow.

Another strike today struck civilian infrastructure, wounding four people, an official said.

“When Kryvyi Rih is in mourning, the enemy attacks again. And it once again aims at civilians," the region's governor, Serhii Lysak, said. 

Russia has reopened two airports serving the cities of Kazan and Nizhnekamsk.

Earlier, we brought you news that Moscow had suspended flights amid concerns over safety (see 7.27 post).

One Russian Telegram channel claimed the suspensions were due to the threat of Ukrainian drone strikes.

The affected airports have now resumed operations.

Russian attacks on the eastern Ukrainian region of Donetsk have killed six people, according to the governor of the region.

Posting on his Telegram channel, Vadym Filashkin said four people were killed in the village of Izmailivka.

He added that two more people were killed in separate attacks near Chasiv Yar that damaged more than a dozen homes.

Regional authorities have ordered large-scale evacuations with Russian forces advancing towards the logistics hub of Pokrovsk.

Mr Filashkin said that 2,718 people, including 392 children, had been evacuated from frontline areas yesterday.

Residents and emergency responders are working side by side in the Ukrainian city of Zaporizhzhia to clear rubble following yesterday's Russian attacks.

Missiles and drones hit nine different settlements across the southeastern region, according to its governor, with three people dying.

Civilian buildings were struck during the overnight attacks, sparking fires.

Russian troops claim to have defused an unexploded US-supplied missile that they say was shot down and found near the Kursk nuclear facility.

The state-run TASS news agency reported that troops had discovered the missile from a Himars rocket launcher just three miles (five km) from the plant.

Moscow has repeatedly claimed that Ukraine has attempted to attack the nuclear plant during its invasion of the Kursk region.

Yesterday, the chief of the UN's nuclear watchdog visited the site, where he warned of the risks of a nuclear accident (see 8.10 post).

For context: HIMARS - the M142 high mobility artillery rocket system - is a US-made missile launchers that can fire six guided missiles in quick succession.

The missiles supplied to Ukraine have a range of up to 50 miles (80km).

Kyiv's first lady has been speaking at a rehabilitation camp for Ukrainian children this week.

It comes as a new study by the Olena Zelenska Foundation and the Kyiv School of Economic found that 44% of Ukrainian children show signs of post-traumatic stress disorder after two and a half of years of war.

Olena Zelenska's charity financially supports the children's camp, which takes place in the western city of Uzhhorod.

The camp gives many children a chance to get away from the front-line cities where they live.

"This issue needs to be addressed immediately, as soon as it arises, before it grows into something more," she said.

"To ensure our children do not become a lost generation, we as adults must be not just active but also swift. 

"It's difficult, but there is still the ongoing defence of the country. However, I am confident that political will combined with international cooperation can work wonders."

Mrs Zelenska said holding Russia accountable must remain a key part of any end to the war.

"Only then will it be a victory," she said. "It may not be quick, but we need to constantly keep in mind this vision of how it should be, so that nothing is forgotten and no one is left out."

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